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Nigeria: Even with N100b budget for constituency projects, the best from federal lawmakers are goats, cutlasses, wheelbarrows, others

by Abiodun Folarin
September 16, 2025
in NIGERIA, Politics
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WorldStage (Abuja)– There are mounting concerns over what many members of the Nigerian public regard as round-tripping and shortchanging of the masses in the billions of naira, couched as constituency projects’ funds, disbursed to lawmakers at both the state and federal for impacting their communities in infrastructure and other social welfare programmes.

It is 21 years now that senators and members of the House of Representatives forced the Executive to insert Special Intervention Projects (SIP), known as constituency projects, into the budget. But it has since been one problem after the other every year.

According to a report by Henry Umoru, constituency projects, which have a yearly budget of N100 billion, were established by the Obasanjo administration with the hope of bringing government closer to the people, especially those in the rural areas, just as it was not designed for lawmakers to determine directly what projects should go to their constituents or to be the ones who should provide contractors.

With this in mind, it was agreed that the Federal Government should set aside the huge sum of money to finance constituency projects and to ensure implementation through the Office of the Special Adviser on Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in agreement with lawmakers.

Alarmed by the anomie of intervention programme, Mr. Gbemiga Adebamiwa noted that every year, following the coming of SIP, Nigerian legislators, Senators and members of the House of Representatives are allocated billions of naira collectively for constituency projects. These funds, according to him, are supposed to bring development to the grassroots, bridging the gap between Abuja and the remotest parts of the country but what many Nigerians actually see are public ceremonies where wheelbarrows, cutlasses, cassava stems, raincoats, rain boots, and even goats are handed out with political fanfare. This, he says, raises a painful question of ‘is this really the best lawmakers can do with over ₦100 billion they reportedly denominate yearly for projects in their constituencies’?

Shedding further light on concern for the intervention initiative, he stated: “When constituency projects were introduced in 2003, the idea was noble. Legislators, who know their communities best, would nominate projects that solve local problems roads, water, schools, health facilities and federal agencies would execute them. On paper, it was a mechanism to decentralize development. In practice, it has too often devolved into an avenue for tokenistic “empowerment” and, worse, outright looting.

“Across Nigeria, there are still villages without electricity, schools where children sit on bare floors, and communities where women travel miles to fetch water. Yet, when lawmakers gather to “commission” constituency projects, Nigerians are treated to photo-ops featuring sewing machines, plastic chairs, and motorcycles. These may offer short-term relief, but they do little to solve deep-rooted development problems. Critics argue that this approach reduces governance to charity, keeping citizens dependent instead of building long-term capacity.”

The data supports these concerns. A 2023 investigation revealed that of 3,691 constituency projects tracked across 22 states in the 2022 budget, 533 had not even commenced, while hundreds more were abandoned or poorly executed. The ICPC has reported cases where projects exist only on paper, funds are diverted, or contractors walk away after receiving mobilization fees. In Yobe State, a borehole supposedly drilled in Sabongari never existed, while in Bauchi, ₦41 million was reportedly spent on “skills acquisition centres” that were either abandoned or never built. These are not isolated incidents, they are symptoms of a systemic failure.

Supporters of lawmakers argue that legislators merely nominate projects, while execution is the responsibility of federal ministries, departments, and agencies. When projects fail, they say, it is due to bureaucracy, delayed fund releases, or incompetent contractors. But this defense is weakened by evidence showing that some lawmakers directly influence contractor selection and, in some cases, award contracts to companies linked to their children or cronies. The result is a dangerous cocktail of patronage and corruption that leaves citizens shortchanged.

And yet, not all is doom and gloom. There are examples where constituency projects have worked, when legislators and agencies get it right. ICPC’s tracking initiative has commended projects like the construction of a 1 km road in Omu-Aran, Kwara State, the provision of solar-powered boreholes in Kwara Central, and the building of the Isoko Ring Road in Delta State. BudgIT’s Tracka platform has also documented thousands of completed or ongoing projects that have genuinely impacted communities. These successes show that constituency projects can deliver real value when transparency and accountability are prioritized.

But such success stories are the exception, not the norm. Too often, constituency projects are chosen for their short-term political value. A goat or wheelbarrow is easier to distribute and easier to take credit for than a well-built school or a functioning hospital. These quick wins may generate votes, but they do little to tackle poverty at its root. They are symptoms of a political culture where legislators think more about the next election than the next generation.

Globally, other countries do better. In Kenya, India, and the United States, similar funds are governed by strict legal frameworks, public disclosure requirements, and conflict-of-interest rules. In the U.S., for instance, every community project funding request must be publicly listed and justified, with certifications showing that lawmakers have no personal financial interest. Nigeria, by contrast, operates its system largely on convention, without a robust legal backbone. This lack of structure allows abuse to flourish.

The real tragedy is that Nigerians have slowly normalized this dysfunction. When a community receives cassava stems or raincoats, they often celebrate as though a great favour has been done, rather than demand the roads, clinics, and electricity they were promised. This low bar for expectations allows lawmakers to escape accountability and repeat the same tokenistic gestures year after year.

Civil society organizations have suggested a way forward, full public disclosure of nominated projects, open contracting, independent monitoring, and community participation in project selection. Some argue that constituency projects should be scrapped altogether, with the funds redirected through a reformed local government system. Others believe the mechanism should be retained but heavily restructured to focus on long-term, transformative infrastructure rather than one-off empowerment items.

“Imagine the impact if even half of the ₦1 billion given to each senator annually went into building fully equipped health centres, solar mini-grids for rural electrification, or digital classrooms for schools. The effect on local economies would be transformative, creating jobs, reducing poverty, and giving citizens a sense that government is working for them. This is what constituency projects were designed to achieve,” Adebamiwa avers.

Ultimately, the question is not whether constituency projects exist, but whether they are achieving their purpose. Are they lifting entire communities, or merely keeping them dependent on political crumbs? Are they solving real problems, or just creating photo opportunities? Until Nigerians demand better and institutions enforce accountability, constituency projects will remain what they are today – a powerful symbol of squandered opportunity, and a reminder of how far governance has drifted from its true purpose.

Records have it that at least N2 trillion has been spent on constituency projects from 2003 to date, and that N95 billion and N100 billion had been allocated to the projects every year and shared among the 109 senators and 360 members of the House of Representatives.

In sharing the funds, however, they consider ranking like in the Senate where there are two presiding officers, the President of the Senate and the Deputy Senate President, and eight principal officers: Majority Leader; Deputy Leader; Chief Whip and Deputy Whip.

Others are Minority Leader; Deputy Minority Leader; Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip. All these get higher share than ordinary members. It could be N500 million multiplied by eight while presiding officers get higher than principal officers.

As gathered, while presiding and principal officers could get N500 million and above, no senator gets less than N200 million, especially those who have been around and not principal officers.

This leads to the question of “must senators be treated differently against the backdrop that they were all elected each to represent a senatorial district? First, constituency project is not part of the roles assigned to lawmakers by the nation’s Constitution. The constitutional mandate of the lawmaker is espoused around lawmaking, representation and oversight functions. By way of expansion, other ancillary duties may be added but not constitutional.

Consequently, the lawmaker has no business engaging in project award or execution. It’s the job of the Executive. National Assembly members are constitutionally empowered to make laws for the country and to act as checks and balances on the Executive and not to execute constituency project.

One can assume that constituency project is a new convention but many have argued in this circumstance that it is organized fraud. “Otherwise, how do you explain the disparities in the allocation of constituency projects?” a critic said.

“And so,” Adebamiwa advises, “the gauntlet is thrown, Nigerians must raise the bar. Stop applauding raincoats when you need roads. Stop thanking politicians for goats when you need hospitals. Demand full lists of projects, monitor them, and call out lawmakers who fail to deliver. Until citizens push back and insist that ₦1 billion means more than cutlasses and cassava stems, constituency projects will remain little more than photo-op politics, and the billions will keep vanishing into the wind.”

Tags: House of RepresentativesSenate
Abiodun Folarin

Abiodun Folarin

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